My vote for Ursula von der Leyen and against Manfred Weber’s far-right course
Dear friends,
Yesterday, the European Parliament approved the new EU Commission. Rarely have I thought about a vote for so long. Also our Green/EFA group had different opinions, because there are good arguments for and against a vote for the second EU Commission of Ursula von der Leyen. I would like to explain to you here exactly why I voted for von der Leyen in the end – and why that does not suit the conservative, but right-wing leaning firebrand Manfred Weber at all.
Don’t let the reasonable part of EPP alone against Manfred Weber’s right-wing ambitions
The European People’s Party (EPP), to which many conservative and christian-democratic parties belong, is the largest group in the European Parliament. But in my many discussions and negotiations with its members, I repeatedly notice something that can also be seen in parliamentary votes: the EPP is divided.
One wing, around the group chairman and German CSU member Manfred Weber and the Spanish Partido Popular, seeks to close ranks with the far-right factions of Meloni (ECR), Orban/Le Pen (PfE) and AfD (ESN). On several occasions, Weber has organised majorities against the democratic parties with them, for example to weaken the deforestation directive.
The other wing consists of EPP politicians who reject the far-right course and support the democratic centre, which has led the EU for 40 years with a clear demarcation against the extremes. These include Ursula von der Leyen and also some CDU members of parliament, with whom, as democrats, one can reliably work together on the basis of common European values.
In his openly displayed and, in the best Trump manner, celebrated rejection of all things green, Manfred Weber is in no way inferior to his CSU party leader Markus Söder (if you don’t know Markus Söder, do look him up at your own risk).
This CSU beer tent tone also dominated many of the Commission hearings, where the Weber wing attacked the female candidates from S&D and Renew in particular below the belt and blinded by party politics, while at the same time courting the far-right Commission Vice-President-designate Raffaele Fitto (ECR) as one of their own. As seen in the final vote in Parliament (below), neither the ECR nor the EPP voted unanimously for Ursula von der Leyen. It is clear that the far-right people are never satisfied.
Only 54% (370 in favour, 282 against, 36 abstentions) of MEPs voted in favour of the von der Leyen Commission, the worst result ever for a Commission. This also means that without our Green votes, von der Leyen would not have had enough votes even with the votes of the EPP, Renew and S&D. We have ensured that the new EU Commission is built on pro-European and democratic votes. Von der Leyen must now deliver on this.
Why am I telling you this in such detail? Because without the reasonable people in the EPP, the next five years will be very dark for Europe. The fight against climate change, nature destruction and social inequality in Europe, the restructuring of the economy and protection of jobs, and the defence of the rule of law will require the reasonable people in the EPP. We have no progressive majority. We need them. Manfred Weber, on the other hand, wants an open break and is threatening to stand up if we negotiate as part of the democratic majority.
That is why Manfred Weber would have liked nothing more than for von der Leyen to lose the support of the democratic centre-left and for her to have to rely on his far-right supporters.
By voting for von der Leyen, I am sending a signal to the reasonable people in the EPP: I stand with you, you are part of the reliable democratic majority. Fight within the EPP to prevent Weber from winning.
Because what happens when a conservative party breaks away completely to the right can be seen in the USA, where the Republicans are united behind a convicted rapist and fraudster, Donald Trump.
We Greens have achieved a lot
In recent weeks, our group has repeatedly negotiated with von der Leyen. She has also made the result of these negotiations public in her speech and press conference yesterday. These include:
- Von der Leyen continues to rely on the ‘democratic platform’ of the EPP, S&D, Renew and us Greens, and explicitly not on the ECR of Meloni and Co. This is a clear rejection of Weber’s far-right course. We are at the table, with or without Manfred Weber.
- The areas of responsibility (‘portfolios’) of the two far-right commissioners, Fitto (Italy) and Várhelyi (Hungary), have been cut back again. We campaigned for this and thus prevented them from causing even greater damage. This also includes responsibility for the European automotive industry, which does not lie with Fitto, but with von der Leyen herself, with a clear commitment not to dismantle it.
- Von der Leyen has also clearly committed to supporting Ukraine. Stability in a world with Trump and Putin is of paramount importance.
- And one more thing is personally important to me: the new Commissioner for Technology, Henna Virkkunen, has clearly committed to implementing and strengthening the rules for large digital platforms. In view of the threats by designated US Vice President JD Vance to withdraw the USA from NATO if Europe continues to take action against disinformation, hate and agitation on Elon Musk’s X platform, this is a politically important signal. In addition, there is the emphasis on the fact that we as Europe must become independent of the large tech companies from the USA and China and build up our own digital technology in cloud, AI and social media – not least with the support of European start-ups. That was her first point in the speech yesterday and shows the changed importance, for which I have long fought!
So overall, we were able to prevent a lot and get clear commitments from von der Leyen. Nevertheless, it is fair to say that there is still a far-right extremist sitting in the cabinet as Commission Vice-President. How can you agree with him? But we have to talk about the Social Democrats there.
Leadership of the Socialists & Democrats caved to Weber
Both Hungary and Italy have the right to send a commissioner. However, they have no right to send people who are not suitable for the job or who are given such influential portfolios that they can cause serious harm to Europe and its people. Both apply to Fitto and Várhelyi.
The EU treaties therefore provide for a strong role for the Parliament to prevent precisely such a thing from happening. However, both in the first step, when the conflicts of interest were examined in the Committee on Legal Affairs, and in the second step, the actual hearings in the specialised committees, the Social Democrats, and here explicitly not the German SPD members of parliament, but their parliamentary group leadership around Iratxe García Pérez, caved in time and again to the threats of Manfred Weber.
The place to prevent Fitto and Várhelyi was in the committees, where a two-thirds majority voted on the individual commissioners and the S&D waved through the far-right Fitto and Várhelyi against our (Greens/EFA) no votes.
What must happen now
After today’s decision, the new Commission will start its work on 1 December 2024. Von der Leyen must show that she really does stand by her promises and is clear in her rejection of Manfred Weber’s far-right course. To this end, we are working together with everyone in the EPP who stands by the democratic majority.
Because it is clear as day: you can win the odd vote or amendment with the far right, but in the end they are not reliable. I explained this here using the example of the budget vote. In the end, the right-wingers voted against Weber again. Great damage for the EU. And all this for a shiny share pic and thumbs from the national conservative leaders.
And finally, perhaps the following note: votes in favour of the Commission do not mean that we will now always vote in the four-party constellation. Manfred Weber will continue to try to push through far-right policies and we will, if necessary, also engage in tough opposition work to prevent cuts in climate and nature protection and in the rule of law and to fight for a fairer and more social society.
What the last few months have also shown is that European democracy is still a democracy of 27 member states in many areas. If the EPP in particular repeatedly introduces national issues into the hearings of the new Commission in order to settle domestic scores, then Europe cannot function. In an age of polarisation, threats and a shift to the right, European democracy needs to be more than just a playing feel for national politicians.
Now as ever, we will continue to work towards this!
With determined greetings,
yours sincerely, Alexandra Geese